If the polls are to be believed, 42 per cent of British voters are clutching their pearls over President Donald Trump’s proposed second state visit, with protests brewing and shrill demands for Keir Starmer to yank the invitation.
This uproar, sparked by Trump’s fiery White House clash with Volodymyr Zelensky, is being painted as some grand moral reckoning.
To that, I say: spare me the histrionics. This is hubris dressed up as principle, and Starmer must not cave to the whiners.
Rolling out the red carpet for the 47th President isn’t just a diplomatic nicety—it’s a bold affirmation of a Special Relationship that’s not in decline, but in transition, adapting to a new American era led by a US President who celebrates Britain, its monarchy, and his own Scottish roots.
Because he has such affection, this same man was deeply supportive of Britain taking back its own sovereign control and flourishing as a global leader.
The Special Relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom isn’t some fragile relic teetering on the edge of collapse. It’s a living, breathing alliance forged in the fires of history—and it’s evolving to meet today’s challenges.
Certainly, with governments of divergent ideologies and outlooks, the resilience of the partnership is currently being tested.
But Donald Trump is hardly the wrecking ball his detractors claim. On the contrary, as I have written in the US press, Trump is, in many ways, Britain’s greatest unsung champion.
Those demanding Trump’s State Visit be rescinded are not only ignorant of this fact, they lash out as if this single heated exchange undermines decades of Anglo-American unity.
They’re wrong. Diplomacy isn’t a tea party—it’s a gritty, pragmatic dance, and sometimes toes get stepped on. Trump’s bluntness with Zelensky doesn’t signal a betrayal of allies- nor does his Ukraine reset threaten UK interests; it’s a wake-up call for Europe to pull its weight. It reflects his no-nonsense style, one that’s shaken up a complacent world order.
Moreover, Trump is performing a miracle in getting Europe to face reality and step up. Starmer, a man who’s pledged to navigate these choppy waters, should see this as an opportunity, not a crisis.
Cancelling the visit would be a snivelling retreat, a surrender to the perpetually offended who’d rather grandstand than govern.
What’s more, Trump’s affection for Britain isn’t some diplomatic veneer—it’s personal. This is a President whose mother, Mary Anne MacLeod, hailed from the rugged Isle of Lewis in Scotland. His Scottish ancestry isn’t just a footnote; it’s a point of pride.
He owns two golf courses in Scotland—Turnberry and Aberdeenshire—investments that underscore his tangible stake in the UK. And then there’s the monarchy. Trump’s admiration for the Royal Family is well-documented: he’s gushed over Queen Elizabeth II as a “fantastic woman,” praised the King as a “really good person,” and glowed over his December 2024 Paris meeting with the Prince of Wales.
When Starmer delivered the King’s invitation for an unprecedented second state visit, Trump didn’t hesitate—he called it an “honour” to visit this “fantastic” country. Considering the aloofness of other world leaders, this is a man who prioritises Britain.
Then there’s Brexit. While the liberal elite sneered at Britain’s vote to leave the EU, Trump cheered it on. He saw it for what it was: a bold reclaiming of sovereignty, a rejection of bureaucratic shackles. He’s not just a supporter—he’s a kindred spirit.
Lee Cohen has said Britain must protect its special relationship with the US
GB News
During his first term, though defeated by the Democratic-led Congress, he dangled the prospect of a US-UK trade deal, a trophy for a post-Brexit Britain eager to flex its independent muscles. Now, in his second term, he’s signalled he’s keen to pick up where he left off.
Even with new tariffs testing allies, Trump’s trade deal signals outweigh short-term friction. That’s hardly neglect—that’s doubling down. Starmer would be mad to let petty protests jeopardise a chance to lock in a deal that could turbocharge the British economy.
The whiners will wail about optics, clutching their placards and decrying Trump’s bullying or brashness. But diplomacy isn’t about pandering to dissenting voices—it’s about results. The Special Relationship has weathered worse than a few raised voices in the Oval Office. It survived LBJ’s fury when Harold Wilson refused to join Vietnam, and it endured Obama’s Brexit meddling. It’ll survive this, too, because it’s bigger than any one moment.
Trump’s vision of America First doesn’t mean Britain Last—it means a partnership of strong, self-reliant nations standing shoulder to shoulder, perhaps even with a leg up for those with whom he feels historical and ideological kinship. In this, Britain is top of the heap.
Don’t flinch. Roll out that red carpet. Let Sadiq and the protesters howl. Show the world that the UK honours its commitments, values its true friends, and embraces a President who isn’t shy about respecting Britain’s past and believes in its future. The Special Relationship isn’t fading—it’s finding its footing in a bold new era. Trump’s coming; kindly welcome him with the pride and pragmatism for which the UK is known.
